Felon Disenfranchsement: Why Felons Deserve the Right to Vote
Felon Disenfranchisement: Why Felons Deserve
the Right to Vote
Dori McDonough
West Virginia State University
Spring 2016
Abstract
Felon disenfranchisement, in regards to
voting, effects several Americans in the United States. Felon
disenfranchisement is when people are prohibited from voting due to being
convicted of a felony. The purpose of this paper is to analyze felon
disenfranchisement in regards to voting rights. First, I will review the
history of felon disenfranchisement. Then, I will assess how felon
disenfranchisement causes further racial disparities in the United States.
Finally, I will justify why felons deserve the right to vote. I
concluded and data suggested felon disenfranchisement causes more harm than
good. Felon disenfranchisement affects all United States citizens, not just
felons.
Felon disenfranchisement, in regards to
voting, effects several Americans in the United States. Felon disenfranchisement
is when people are prohibited from voting due to being convicted of a felony (Felony Disenfranchisement Law &
Legal Definition, n.d.). These policies vary by state. Maine and
Vermont allow felons to vote whether they are incarcerated, on parole, or on
probation, unlike states like Virginia who only allows reinstatement of their
voting privileges if they are pardoned by the governor (Preuhs, 2001).
In the United States, an estimated 5.85
million Americans are restricted from voting due to being convicted of a
felony. Approximately 2.6 million of those Americans have already completed
their sentences and still are unable to vote. This also deeply effects African
Americans in the United States. For every thirteen African Americans, one of
them are unable to vote. This totals to an estimated 2.2 million African
Americans unable to vote (Felony
Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015).
The purpose of this paper is to analyze felon
disenfranchisement in regards to voting rights. First, I will review the
history of felon disenfranchisement. Then, I will assess how felon
disenfranchisement causes further racial disparities in the United States.
Finally, I will justify why felons deserve the right to vote.
Literature Review
Several
authors suggested that the right to vote is a basic and essential element in a
democratic society (Arp & Morton, 2005; Cammett, 2012; Hoskins, 2014;
Siegel, 2011). One study suggests
that felon disenfranchisement is a democratic crisis (Cammett, 2012). Another
study proposes that ex-offenders should be entitled to the same opportunities
as everyone else and that once all of the offenders’ punishment(s) have been
completed that the offenders should have their rights reinstated (including the
right to vote) (Hoskins, 2014). Furthermore, Siegel (2011) does not agree with
felon disenfranchisement as a whole and suggests that reenfranchisement could
actually impede on offenders’ rehabilitation and their reintegration into
society.
Research
warns that further implementation of felon disenfranchisement laws may cause
the electoral process to become further biased or corrupt, since a large number
of minorities (i.e. African Americans and Latinos) are excluded (Arp &
Morton, 2005; Bowers & Preuhs, 2009; Preuhs, 2001; Siegel, 2011; Stuart,
2004). Preuhs (2001) did not necessarily agree, but he suggests that felon
disenfranchisement laws may decrease minorities’ participation during
elections. Bowers and Preuhs (2009) suggests that felon disenfranchisement laws
decrease political influence of minority groups that are more likely to be
effected by felon disenfranchisement laws.
Discussion
Since the United States was
founded, it has struggled with who should be allowed to vote (Grady, 2012). The
United States decided that felons should not be allowed to vote. If someone
were to glance at the history behind felon disenfranchisement, who felon
disenfranchisement effects, and how felon disenfranchisement effects, they
would see why felons deserve the right to vote.
Historical Review of Felon Disenfranchisement
Felon disenfranchisement has a long history. The history can
be traced back to the Ancient Greeks and Romans as a form of punishment (Arp
& Morton, 2005). Taking away civil liberties and rights was considered
punishment according to the Ancient Greeks and Romans.
The colonists brought these ideas over to North America (Arp
& Morton, 2005). The first state to impose felon disenfranchisement laws
into their constitution was Kentucky, the fifteenth state to join the Union
(Stuart, 2004). Therefore, these felon disenfranchisement laws were not written
into constitutions until states started to join the original thirteen colonies.
Once felon disenfranchisement came to the United States, it
was used more as a loophole than a punishment. Southern states’ used crime and
the criminal justice system to disenfranchise African American. Jim Crow Laws
supporters used the clause in the Fourteenth Amendment “excepting abridgement
based on participation in rebellion or crime” to deny African Americans the
right to vote (Arp & Morton, 2005). Felon disenfranchisement was used as a
method to strip rights away rights from African Americans rather than to punish
criminals as a whole.
Felon disenfranchisement was used to specifically target
African Americans. When slavery ended, states began to enact Black Codes. These Black Codes were meant to control freed slaves by altering criminal
codes into legislation so that they would specifically target African Americans
(Cammett, 2012). For example, Alabama created a policy that made it a felony for
someone to beat their wife (but not kill her) because Alabama policymakers
believed that the policy would disenfranchise and eliminate sixty percent of
African Americans from voting (Felony Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015). This
type of mindset and policymaking caused and causes racial disparities in the
United States.
Causes Further Racial Disparities in the United States
Felon disenfranchisement disproportionately effects the
African American community. African Americans are extremely overrepresented
within the criminal justice system (Siegel, 2011). Therefore, African Americans are more likely
to be effected by felon disenfranchisement more frequently and with greater
severity since they are disproportionately arrested and convicted (Bowers &
Preuhs, 2009).
Voting-age African Americans are disenfranchised more than
other races. Voting-age African Americans are four times more likely to lose
their voting rights than the rest of the adult population (Felony
Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015). Felon disenfranchisement does not have a
positive effect on African Americans.
The votes of African
American felons alone could change or determine the outcome of many elections
(Arp & Morton, 2005). In the 2000 election between Al Gore and George W.
Bush, Al Gore would have received more than the 538 votes needed to win the
state of Florida and the presidency if disenfranchised African Americans in
Florida alone were allowed to vote (Preuhs, 2001). Felon disenfranchisement
causes an imbalanced representation of the voting-age African American
population.
Why Felons Deserve the Right to Vote
The
United States is unique because the United States denies the right to vote from
nonincarcerated felons. Many countries, including Ireland, Greece, Denmark,
Sweden, and Australia, allow offenders to retain the right to vote even while
incarcerated (Arp & Morton, 2005). In South Africa, Israel, and Canada,
their courts have ruled that felon disenfranchisement or any other
conviction-based voting restriction is unconstitutional (Felony
Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015). In
short, other countries do not agree with felon disenfranchisement.
Felons, who have completed their sentences and
paid their debt to society, are still having their voting rights taken away
(Hoskins, 2014). There are 12 states that do not allow reenfranchisement even after
completion of their prison sentence, parole, or probation; individuals in those
states make up roughly 45 percent of the disenfranchised population (Felony
Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015). Therefore, 45 percent of disenfranchised
felons have paid their debt to society and still are being punished.
Felon
disenfranchisement does not have an insignificant political impact. Data
suggests that there have been at least seven Senate races from 1990 to 1998 and
at least one presidential election that has been affected by felon
disenfranchisement policies (Felony Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015). Felon
disenfranchisement affects the political process, can alter the outcome of
elections, and ruin the values of the electoral college.
Felon
disenfranchisement affects offender rehabilitation and reintegration into
society. Studies show that disenfranchisement may hinder offender
rehabilitation by increasing feelings of alienation and stigmatization (Siegel,
2011). Voting right restrictions adds to the isolation of offenders from their
communities. Civic participation has been associated with lower recidivism
rates. Also, reenfranchisement could aid offenders’ transition back into
community life (Felony Disenfranchisement: A Primer, 2015).
Conclusion
In this paper, I analyzed felon
disenfranchisement in regards to voting rights. I reviewed the history of felon
disenfranchisement, assessed how felon disenfranchisement causes further racial
disparities in the United States, and justified why felons deserve the right to
vote. I used history, facts, and statistical data to support my argument on why
I think that felons should be re-enfranchised.
There are some strengths of this paper. One being that every
source or reference I found supported reenfranchisement of felons. There was
also a lot of information about how felon disenfranchisement effected
minorities, especially African Americans. This was useful in assessment of how
felon disenfranchisement furthers racial disparity in the United States.
There were also weaknesses of my paper. There were hardly
any recent scholarly sources on the topic. Most were from 2008 and prior.
Another weakness I felt that my paper had was that the research was mostly
history and facts rather than statistical data. I wish I could have found more
statistical data, especially on how felon disenfranchisement effects
minorities.
I recommend there to be further research on a few topics
related to felon disenfranchisement. There needs to be more research on how
drastic the outcome of elections is due to those who are disenfranchised. There
also needs to be further research on felon disenfranchisement and other
countries. All of the research I found was about the United States.
In conclusion, data suggests felon disenfranchisement causes
more harm than good. Felon disenfranchisement affects all United States
citizens, not just felons. It causes racial disparity in the United States.
Voting is a fundamental right that all should be able to exercise, regardless of
status.
Reference
Arp,
W. & Morton, B. (2005). A political history and analysis of
disenfranchisement and restoration of the black vote in Louisiana. The Western Journal of Black Studies,
29(3), 629-638.
Bowers,
M. & Preuhs, R. (2009). Collateral consequences of a collateral penalty:
the negative effect of felon disenfranchisement laws on the political
participations of nonfelons. Social
Science Quarterly, 90(3), 722-743.
Cammett,
A. (2012). Shadow citizens: felony disenfranchisement and the criminalization
of debt. Penn State Law Review, 117(2),
349-405.
Felony
Disenfranchisement: A Primer (2015). The sentencing project. Retrieved from http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/fd_Felony%20Disenfranchisement%20Primer.pdf
Felony
Disenfranchisement Law & Legal Definition (n.d.). U.S. legal. Retrieved
from http://definitions.uslegal.com/f/felony-disenfranchisement/
Grady,
S. C. (2012). Civil death is different: an examination of a post-graham
challenge to felon disenfranchisement under the eighth amendment. Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology,
102(2), 441-470.
Hoskins,
Z. (2014). Ex-offender restrictions. Journal
of Applied Philosophy, 31(1), 33-48.
Preuhs,
R. (2001). State felon disenfranchisement policy. Social Science Quarterly, 82(4), 733-748.
Siegel,
J. (2011). Felon disenfranchisement and the fight for universal suffrage. Social Work, 56(1), 89-91.
Stuart,
G. (2004). Databases, felons, and voting: bias and partisanship of the
Florida felon list in the 2000 elections. Political
Science Quarterly, 119(3), 453-475.
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